Archive for April, 2011
THE HOME-COMING
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 21, 2011
ONCE THERE WAS A KING
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 21, 2011
THE VICTORY
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 21, 2011
THE HUNGRY STONES
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 21, 2011
CHITRA
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 21, 2011
Ideological Nonviolence ….
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 19, 2011
Most Western believers in nonviolence as a creed belong to one of two groups: firstly, members of nonviolent Christian sects or individuals who have come to the conviction that nonviolence is the only method of disputing that is consistent with the teachings of The Bible. and secondly, those who have been influenced by the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi.
(a) Christian Views of Nonviolence.
(Nonviolence International Note: Read as Faith Based)
Never pay back evil for evil…
If your enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him drink…
Do not let evil conquer you, but use good to defeat evil.
Varieties of Christian Campaigns
(b)Satyagraha – The Nonviolence of Mahatma Gandhi
- The aim in group struggle is to act in a way conducive to long-term, universal, maximal reduction of violence.
- The character of the means used determines the character of the results.
- A constructive program – positive peacebuilding work should be a part of every campaign.
- One should engage in positive struggle in favour of human beings and certain values; that is, fight antagonisms, not antagonists.
- All human beings have long-term interests in common.
- Violence is invited from opponents if they are humiliated or provoked.
- A violent attitude on the part of would-be satyagrahis (advocates of satyagraha) is less likely if they have made clear to themselves the essential elements of their case and the purpose of the struggle.
- The better opponents understand the satvagrahi’s position and conduct, the less likely they are to resort to violence. Secrecy should therefore be avoided.
- The essential interests which opponents have in common should be clearly formulated and cooperation established on that basis.
- Personal contact with the opponent should be sought.
- Opponents should not be judged harder than the self.
- Opponents should be trusted.
- The property of opponents should not be destroyed.
- An unwillingness to compromise on non-essentials decreases the likelihood of converting the opponent.
- The conversion of an opponent is furthered by personal sincerity.
- The best way to convince an opponent of your sincerity is to make sacrifices for the cause.
- A position of weakness in an opponent should not be exploited. Satyagraha is concerned with morality over and above ‘winning’.
Nonviolence-an understanding
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 19, 2011
Types of Nonviolence
Non-resistance | Non-resistants reject all physical violence on principle and concentrate on maintaining their own integrity, e.g. the attitude of the Amish and Mennonite sects of Christians. |
Active Reconciliation | A Faith-based rejection of coercion and a belief in active goodwill and reconciliation, for example as practiced by Quakers and other religious activist groups. |
Moral Resistance | Moral resisters actively resist evil with peaceful and moral means such as education and persuasion. This has been the basis of much of Western pacifism. |
Selective Nonviolence | The refusal to participate in particular wars or kinds of war, e.g. nuclear war. |
Passive Resistance | Nonviolent tactics are employed because the means for an effective violent campaign are lacking or are not likely to succeed; e.g. most strikes, boycotts and national non-cooperation movements belong to this category. |
Peaceful Resistance | Peaceful resisters believe that nonviolent methods are more effective; e.g. some of Gandhi’s campaigns fall into this category because many of his followers did not fully internalise what he taught. |
Nonviolent Direct Action | Practitioners may view nonviolence as a moral principle or practical method. The object is victory rather than conversion. An example is provided by the Greenham Common actions. |
Gandhian Nonviolence (Satyagraha) | Satyagraha aims to attain the truth tnrough love and right action; it demands the elimination of violence from the self and from the social, political and economic environment. Gandhi’s Salt Satyagraha is a classic example. |
Nonviolent Revolution | Revolutionaries believe in the need for basic individual and social change and regard the major problems of existing society as structural, e.g. the campaigns of Jayaprakash Narayan and Vinoba Bhave in India. |
The Major Dimensions of Nonviolence …
The Tactical-Strategic Dimension | ||
Criterion | Tactical Nonviolence | Strategic Nonviolence |
Analysis of Social Framework | Conservative | Structural |
Aim | Reform | Revolution |
Operational Timeframe | Short/Medium Term | Long Term |
The Pragmatic-Ideological Dimension | ||
Criterion | Pragmatic Nonviolence | Ideological Nonviolence |
Nature of Commitment | Most Effective | Ethically Best |
Means and Ends | Separate | Indivisible |
Approach to Conflice | Incompatible Interests | Shared Interests |
Approach to Opponent | Competitive | Cooperative |
A Perfectness of Human Action ..
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 19, 2011
What is nonviolence?
Nonviolence is an ideology that rejects the use of violent action in a conflict over power to attain social and political objectives.
The term nonviolence is complex and has varied meanings, among which it is important to draw distinctions. In general, the term has been interpreted as in the negative – an absence of violence. However, nonviolence, both in theory and practice can and should be viewed as a positive, an active and potent force for attaining certain goals.
Two categories of definition can be named: principled and pragmatic. In their application, these categories are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and some movements have utilized both concurrently to significant effect.
Principled nonviolence is often rooted in traditional or religious beliefs and customs, or in moral principles alone. It is based on a moral stand, an ethical code which disallows the practice of violence, often throughout all actions of life. Principled nonviolent practitioners do not necessarily utilize nonviolent actions and strategies, though they at times have.
For practitioners of principled nonviolence, the aim of any nonviolent endeavour is, as the Venerable Samdhong Rinpoche, Chairman of the Assembly of Tibetan’s People’s Deputies, Tibetan Government in Exile stated,” the establishment of truth and removal of injustice. It does not aim to eliminate or defeat anyone. For a true nonviolent activist, there is no enemy. It aims to end injustice by making the perpetrator of injustice see reason and undo the wrong done by him.”
A significant question which principled nonviolence seeks to answer is: Is there a unity of ends and means; are the means of attaining goals, particularly those based on ideals such as equality, justice or peace, in concert with the ends?
Principled nonviolence includes such diverse beliefs as pacifism, a generally non-active form of resistance to violence; Tibetan Buddhist practitioners who eschew all forms of violence; and the commitment of the Quakers, a religious group, to use their deeply held belief in a nonviolent way of life to effect change, not only within themselves as individuals or in their immediate sphere of influence, but also in the world at large.
Pragmatic nonviolence is best understood as the decision to use nonviolence based upon practical strategic considerations. It does not rely on a fundamental commitment to nonviolence which extends to all situations; it may be limited only to the situation at hand.
Pragmatic nonviolence is based upon the use of proactive, positive nonviolent strategies and actions. It seeks to change the status quo, ranging in individual cases from specific policies which affect a specific group to the overall dynamics of power in a society.
With pragmatic nonviolence, a people or a movement can choose not to use violence even if there is no traditional or religious basis for that choice in their culture.
Implementation of Political Nonviolence
For example, the Crimean Tatars, traditionally a warrior culture, have chosen to use nonviolence because of its practical worth in their struggle for their rights following their return to the Crimea after decades in exile. Likewise, the Native Hawaiians chose to use nonviolence when the Americans took over Hawai’i a century ago. At that time, Queen Liliu’okalani, the Hawaiian ruler, counseled her people not to use violence and suffer certain devastating defeat.
Some peoples employ both principled and pragmatic approaches. The Tibetan struggle for independence, which is deeply influenced by the nonviolent philosophy of Tibetan Buddhism, is also quite pragmatic in its approach. The Tibetans have used international diplomatic and public relations campaigns, and nonviolent resistance within Tibet, in their struggle for independence from the Peoples Republic of China. These nonviolent activities are linked to very pragmatic considerations: Tibetans are few and the Chinese are many, and perhaps more importantly, the Chinese are neighbors with whom the Tibetans must live into the future.
The question is raised of whether nonviolent movements are more effective if there is a traditional cultural base for them in a society.
Some traditionally nonviolent groups, including the Tibetans, have been very successful at remaining so in the face of severe repression. At the same time, others, such as the South African anti-apartheid movement, did not possess such a penetration in their culture of nonviolence as a principle, yet have been successful at attaining their goals.
It is notable that many indigenous cultures also possess traditional methods of conflict prevention and resolution which can be sources of strength when nonviolence is threatened. It would appear that the presence of a nonviolent tradition can support nonviolent action within a society, yet it is not a required prerequisite for success.
At the same time the question arises if a group, when pressed, will abandon nonviolence more readily if it does not possess a principled commitment to it. If nonviolence is seen only as a tactic, will not a people or movement drop that tactic when and if it is no longer expedient to pursue? As a tactic alone does it have the roots to sustain a long campaign?
Nonviolent action can be divided into:
(i) conflictual’ actions used to wage conflict and;
(ii) actions which are non-conflictual’.
– Conflictual actions can be considered to include mass public mobilizations, such as economic and political non-cooperation; civil disobedience, such as strikes, hunger strikes, demonstrations, and vigils; grassroots mobilization such as letter writing campaigns; and campaigns designed to build political awareness among the people. In this sense, nonviolent action can be employed not just for defense, but also for offense.
– Non-conflictual actions can include such activities as negotiations and conciliation, which are carried out once the dynamics of power have shifted, and the group conducting the campaign has been successful in acquiring enough legitimacy with which to negotiate.
Governments are often reacting to a perceived loss of political and economic power, including profits from natural resources or access to foreign aid, when they respond violently to nonviolence. Using violence to maintain power is a traditional response, yet one which can lead to spiraling conflict.
In many cases, using violence, whether covert or overt, against groups does not destroy the movement. It can instead make the group stronger and more committed to its goals. It can also encourage the group to use violence, thus beginning a cycle of violence which, once begun, is difficult to stop.
In general, nonviolent campaigns can be at least as effective as violent ones, but they require sacrifice, patience and discipline, and great courage.
Nonviolence as Worship
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 19, 2011
The purpose of non-violent action is to withdraw consent from government or other authorities, rather than wrest power from them. Therefore it fosters dialogue and education and allows maximum participation by everyone in society. Non-violence heightens the moral superiority of the actionists in the eyes of the general public–especially if the authorities respond to their sincere and open protest with violence. Even members of the ruling classes can be swayed to sympathy by such non-violent actions. Police and soldiers wooed with sound political arguments and non-violent demonstrations are more likely to come over to the side of the activists than ones afraid of being shot and killed by protesters.
Political violence harms groups and movements. It destroys public sympathy, reinforces public prejudices against activists, invites police infiltration and harassment, and gives the state an excuse to arrest, imprison and even kill innocent activists and bystanders. Even advocacy of violence can have a detrimental effect on organizing since it divides and demoralizes activists and provides the government and media an excuse to attack the advocates.
Violent action usually is practiced predominantly by angry young men, often with military training, who often become as ruthless towards other dissidents as they do towards the oppressor. These days the most vocal advocates of violence are often government provocateurs. When violent revolutionaries take power, their regimes usually are as ruthless as their revolutions.
Non-violent non-cooperation by large numbers of people is more disruptive to the state than violence by smaller numbers; violence only permits the state to enhance its power. Overall, non-violent action results in the least loss of life and property, the least destruction of the social fabric and the greatest assurance that post-resistance society will be free and peaceful.
In the last twenty years relatively non-violent mass movement–“people power”– overthrew the Shah in Iran, Marcos in the Philippines, apartheid in South Africa, Suharto in Indonesia, and brought about freedom for Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Most of these activists were at least aware of the success of the efforts of Gandhi and Martin Luther King. Some leaders of these movements studied or were trained in non-violence . Today, organizations like Non-violence International, International War Resisters League and Peacekeepers International are continuing to spread these ideas and strategies worldwide.
Influenced by the writings and efforts of Gene Sharp and organizations like the Civilian-Based Defense Association, and impressed by the successes of non-violent action in recent revolutions, even the Swedish, German and French governments have studied the concept of non-violent civilian based defense. This a broadening and updating of Gandhi’s notion of “non-violent armies.” National militaries would be supplemented and even largely replaced by training all citizens in organizing economic, political and social non-cooperation. The object would be to destroy an invader’s ability to control the populace and to undermine its troops’ morale. In 1968, unorganized Czechs managed to do this to their Russian invaders for a number of months, bolstering non-violent actionists’ hopes that an organized and determined populace would deter any invasion.
In the last twenty years non-violent activists in a variety of movements have begun to focus on non-violent conflict resolution not only between nations but on the interpersonal level between individuals, between warring gangs in the inner cities, between religious, racial, ethnic and lifestyle groups, and even within their own groups. (As one activist said, “A pacifist is a person who can go to a peace meeting and not get in a fight.”)
Conflict between individuals, groups and communities is inevitable–but bad will, bad mouthing, sabotage, destruction of property and violence are not. Gandhi contended that there is some truth in both or all sides of a conflict and that only through non-violence can we appreciate and tolerate differing views of truth–or come to an understanding of a greater truth. Opponents must be recognized as potential allies, and all sides must search for resolutions that are mutually satisfying, “win-win”ones. Of course, various forms of protest may be necessary to impress the “opponent” with the seriousness and sincerity of one’s claims or to convince them to enter into negotiations. But negotiations are the goal.
Many non-violent actionists have gone to the next step. They have come to regard all political conflict over laws, regulations and taxes as conflicts to be resolved non-violently, not as issues to be settled by the vote of the majority (usually the defacto will of special interests) and enforced by the threat of police violence, confiscation of property and imprisonment.
Non-violent activist groups have long used consensus-oriented decision-making in their groups to ensure the maximum of support for policies, strategies and actions. Many of their members have come to realize that the same principle must be applied to politics–only laws, regulations and taxes supported by the overwhelming majority of people should be imposed. Only those basic community services supported by overwhelming majorities would be provided, since the collection of taxes for them would no longer be enforced through the threat of police violence. Non-violent resistance to such laws, rules or taxes would be a respected component of ongoing community debate.
Police violence, like individual violence, would be reserved only for defense of self or others from physical violence. Public courts and police would still deal with such universally deplored acts as murder, assault, pollution, theft and fraud. However, police would be, as Gandhi said, “a body of reformers…composed of believers in non-violence . They will be servants, not masters.” To deal with minor offenses, police would use education, verbal persuasion and publicly. If that was ineffective, they might organize citizen picketing or boycott. More serious crimes might result in ostracizing or expelling the individual from the community. (This is one variation on the polycentric law idea I detail at length in Non-Violent Secessionist Strategies.)
Non-violent sanctions are based on trust that humans who share the consciousness that violence is illegitimate (except in extreme circumstances of self-defense) and are taught from childhood the many subtle and creative ways of attaining their goals without using violence, will rarely resort to it. To connect two popular sayings, if “violence begets violence” then “the only way to peace, is peace itself!” Otherwise we become willing co-creators of our violence-wracked system. As Gandhi said, “Every citizen silently, but never the less certainly, sustains the government of the day in ways of which he has no knowledge. Every citizen, therefore, renders himself responsible for every act of his government.”
It is easily arguable why “complete non-violence ” would lead to political and economic decentralization. Most centralized governments and nation sates were formed from a number of formerly autonomous communities, cities and regions through armed conquest. Some were formed hundreds of years ago–others only in the last few decades. Their different ethnic, racial, religious and national groups are held together by nationalist jingoism, government subsidies, and the threat of terrible military vengeance against secessionists.
Nevertheless, secessionist sentiments, activities and demands to be completely free of centralized control have escalated worldwide. When I first wrote this piece in 1985 I wrote ”Eastern European and Asian people seek to free themselves from Soviet control.” They did so in 1989, and non-violently. In fact, it was non-violent change in Czechoslovakia (which itself later peacefully divided into two nations) that became known as the “Velvet Revolution.”
However, Yugoslavia’s power-mad leader replied to Croatia and Bosnia’s attempts to secede from Yugoslavia with ethnic hatred and “ethnic cleansing” by the militarily superior Serbs. Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia, Rwanda and other African nations remain rife with racial, religious and tribal violence between communities forced into artificial “nation states,” first by colonists and later by repressive dictators. Many of Indonesia’s thousands of Islands could decide to go their separate way. India, which contains hundreds of religious, linguistic and ethnic groups, continually suppresses its separatist factions. Closer to home, should Quebec finally vote to secede, it is likely British Columbia might do so as well, breaking up a nation right at our borders. And it is clear that demographic, social and economic factors already are dividing America. Only the smallest and most culturally and politically homogenous nations could be held together if they had to rely on non-violent sanctions and non-violent armies or civilian-based defense.
Once free of the fear of violence from centralized authorities, decentralization would probably proceed quite rapidly as counties seceded from states, cities from counties and even neighborhoods from cities. The concept of “neighborhood power” would become a reality. Innumerable experiments with non-violent governance would be tried and those which proved most successful would become most popular. Networking and confederations between neighborhoods, communities, cities and regions would be necessary to deal with common problems and resolve conflicts. But without massive military violence, there could be no return to the centralization of the past.
There is no doubt that we will live in times of mounting economic, political and military crisis, which will further undermine the credibility of established institutions and open more people to radical change. And we may yet experience a devastating nuclear exchange that will destroy the great nuclear powers. If pacifists and decentralists are not ready with new visions equal to the crisis and disasters we face, we can be sure that demagogues of all stripes will be. It is a matter of human responsibility that we re-think our politics and create thorough and credible non-violent alternatives–in full light of their decentralist implications.
Those of us who believe that humans should conduct our affairs non-violently should not be afraid of the radically decentralist implications of our beliefs. Rather we should explore them and even emphasize them, as do Gandhians, anarchist pacifists, libertarians, and many Greens, eco-feminists and bioregionalists. They oppose the structural violence of large nation states.
Many who say they are committed to non-violence and non-violent conflict resolution merely use non-violent action to strengthen state power–and the state’s excuses for, and ability to use, violence against citizens. This includes activists in the feminist, environmentalist, labor, anti-racism and bigotry, anti-corporate, and social welfare movements. Perhaps the epitome of this hypocrisy is the gun control movement which calls for heavily armed federal agents to assault, arrest and imprison Americans who refuse to give up the ever-growing list of proscribed weapons. In fact, it is the fear of such a vicious and powerful state that is causing freedom-lovers to arm themselves so heavily.
Meanwhile too many pro-freedom activists who challenge the growing state power and violence believe the old saw that there are only two political alternatives, the ballot or the bullet. (A statement with which leftist who advocate violence also agree.) Freedom lovers must take the step their “liberal opponents” have taken: learn the effectiveness of non-violent action and conflict resolution in social, economic, and political protest and resistance.
Members of groups left and right must learn more about non-violent conflict resolution between individuals, groups and nations, about non-violent civilian-based defense against political repression and foreign invasion, and about non-violent sanctions as the alternative to violent sanctions in enforcing rules and laws.
Literacy Campaign
Posted by chandanse in Uncategorized on April 1, 2011
Rules & Regulation of the Institute:
- That the admission shall only be confirmed on the receipt of Enrollment fees.
- That the fees once deposited shall neither be refundable nor Transferable under any circumstance.
- That the Reg./roll no. And Identity Card shall only be issued after the confirmation of Admission.
- That the student shall have to take written content for the change of study Centre.
- That the Institute shall not be liable for personal belongings what so ever.
- That Ragging, taking of Alcohol and Drug and Indiscipline shall be result in expulsion from the Institute.
- That the decision of the Center Head shall be final and binding in Academic Matters.
- That the Students Securing less than 80% Attendance shall not be allowed to appear for final Examination.
- That the institute shall arrange weekly improvement/extra class and weekly test
- That the institute shall arrange monthly examination as per guideline of Head office.
- That the institute informs to every student that if any absence more than three days without information that student’s registration will be cancel. That the Guardians / Parents are expected to report to Institute’s Authorities in matters pertaining to their wards.